State secrecy: A powerful and extremely destructive weapon

On 31st January last I rang the Office of the Director of Corporate Enforcement (ODCE) to inquire whether the Bailey brothers case was still ongoing.

Over the years I have made many such calls to the ODCE to check on the progress of various cases.

My questions were always basic – Was the case still active, how was it progressing, if it was complete what was the outcome and so on. Invariably, my questions were answered and I was happy enough.

On this occasion the shutters were pulled down.

The ODCE refused to answer even the most basic of questions and when I persisted I had secrecy legislation quoted to me as justification for refusing to answer questions.

I submitted my questions in writing to the ODCE and received, by post, a letter from an Assistant Principal Officer informing me that not only would my questions not be answered but that the ODCE did not have tell me, or anyone else, whether a specific company or individual was even under investigation.

It was obvious from the content of this letter and the tone of phone converstations with ODCE staff that the submission of a Freedom of Information request would be a waste of time so, instead, I made a formal complaint to the Ombudsman.

To my surprise the Ombudsman said that she could not examine complaints concerning the ODCE as it was outside the remit of her office.

I was advised to contact the Department of Jobs, Enterprise and Innovation for assistance.

My request to this state agency was also met with a brick wall. I was informed that the Department did not have the authority to instruct the ODCE to disclose information.

So, in summary:

The ODCE refuses to provide even the most basic information regarding its activities, citing secrecy legislation.

The Ombudsman has no power to compel him to release any information.

The government department/minister under which the ODCE operates is also powerless to act.

This, in effect, makes the ODCE an untouchable State agency. No authority in the land possess the power to question its decisions.

Not even a High Court judge can question its activities.

This was highlighted recently when Mr. Justice Peter Kelly was firmly and publicly rebuked by the DPP for having the temerity to challenge the ODCE’s handling of the ‘investigation’ into Anglo Irish Bank.

This granting of absolute and unquestioning power to a State agency poses serious dangers not just to Ireland and its people but also to the officials working within that agency.

If an official was suffering from some sort of personal crisis, say, for example, an addition to gambling, he would be extremely vulnerable to exploitation from any number of sources intent on perverting the course of justice.

If an official, observing that he is subject to little or no oversight and that his actions/decisions are protected by an impenetrable wall of secrecy laws, could easily exploit the situation to his own advantage.

If an official was beholden to a political party for his position he could find himself coming under pressure not to pursue a case against a friend of that party.

I want to stress that I am not for a moment suggesting that anyone within the ODCE is involved in any such activity.

I am making the point that such activities are a reality in every country in the world and Ireland is no exception.

All humans are vulnerable to such dangers and it is because of such vulnerability that functional democracies ensure that a system of checks and balances are in place which are designed to protect the office holder, the state and its citizens.

Checks and balances such as a proper Freedom of Information Act and a strong, independent oversight authority with the power to demand answers from government agencies that are clearly unable or unwilling to do their jobs properly.

Ireland does not and never has had such checks and balances in place.

If such checks and balances were in place in Ireland no State authority would be allowed to refuse to say if an individual or company was under investigation or not.

Such basic and completely harmless information is immediately and unquestionably available in all functional democracies.

If such checks and balances were in place in Ireland no State authority would be allowed to endlessly prolong investigations into the activities of powerful and influential people.

The key sentence in the letter I received from the ODCE is:

I regret that it is not possible to make public details of any of our cases, nor even to discuss whether a specific company or individual is actually under investigation by the Office (my emphasis). This is because of the statutory duty of confidentiality imposed on the Director of Corporate Enforcement and his officers under Section 17 of the Company Law Enforcement Act 2001.

I do not accept that the State/ODCE has the right to take upon itself the power of such absolute secrecy and, at the same time, claim Ireland is a functional democracy.

The denial of such basic information by a state agency moves the scandal from one of routine investigation into alleged corruption to that of a serious abuse of power by a State agency.

The assumption by the ODCE of such draconian power, whether legitimate or misguided, places Ireland within that category of undemocratic states where the interests of the state and its friends are deemed to be more important than the interests of ordinary citizens.

The methods used may differ but the results are exactly the same – the complete denial to citizens of any information whatsoever.

Citizens living in such undemocratic state are denied the right to know what their government/state agencies are doing, or perhaps more importantly, not doing in their name.

Such absolute denial of information, has the effect, whether intentional or not, of protecting the corrupt and the interests of those who benefit from protecting the corrupt.

And we can see, by even the most cursory examination of the hundreds of scandals over the past few decades, that in practically every case it is the corrupt who win out and Ireland’s reputation and ordinary citizens who pay the price.

Unwarranted and unexplained delay, in addition to absolute secrecy, is also a feature of the dysfunctionality of Ireland’s administrative system.

Again, whether intentional or not, secrecy and delay have the undeniable effect of protecting the corrupt and, as a consequence, damaging the best interests of Ireland and its people.

Despite claims by politicians and officials, the Bailey brothers case is not particularly complicated. The facts of the case have already been well established.

Briefly; the Bailey brothers:

Made a corrupt payment to a politician and to a civil servant.

Obstructed and hindered an Oireachtas tribunal on several occasions.

Gave false evidence under oath.

Engaged in massive tax evasion.

There is not the slightest doubt that if such activities were engaged in in a functional democracy the case would have been dealt with immediately by the police and courts and would almost certainly have resutled in long jail sentences.

In Ireland the ODCE has been ‘investigating’ for over six years with the absolutely minimal aim of banning the Bailey brothers from acting as company directors for a limited period of time.

Yet here we are, more than six years into the case, and not even a hint of accountability.

In functional democracies similarly long delays would attract strong and persistent questioning from media, opposition politicians, Government ministers and ordinary people.

The enforcement authority in charge of the case would, at the very least, be forced to provide a comprehensive explanation for any serious delay.

It is an undeniable fact that the legal maxim; justice delayed is justice denied, which is accepted in all functional democracies, does not operate in Ireland when it comes to investigating the activities of powerful and influential people.

Of the very many serious cases of corruption over the previous few decades involving powerful people I can think of none that were dealt with in a quick and efficient manner.

In practically all these cases those involved were never brought to justice. The indications are that the current investigations into the activities of certain bankers will result in the same predictable outcome.

But the core point I want to make here is that, unlike all functional democracies, Ireland bestows absolute power on senior individuals within its enforcement agencies.

In Ireland there is no oversight of such individuals, no state authority has the power to effectively question their decisions, motives or agendas.

No politician, even if they had the courage or will, can, it seems, challenge the activities of such individuals.

Just last week we witnessed the latest episode in the Bailey brothers scandal when NAMA, another state agency bestowed with draconian secrecy powers, refused to answer questions regarding the granting of €13 million in funding to a company controlled by the brothers.

Fianna Fail TD and chairman of the Public Acccounts Committee, John McGuinness, said that the taxpayer was entitled to precise and accurate information regarding deals done by NAMA.

This is incorrect.

NAMA, the ODCE, the Financial Regulator and indeed most government agencies operate under an oppressive cloak of draconian secrecy laws which are specifically designed to avoid releasing precise and accurate information.

Whether intentional or not these secrecy laws provide watertight and ongoing protection to the corrupt individuals and organisations that have brought Ireland to the edge of ruin.

State secrecy is a powerful and extremely destructive weapon that causes serious damage to the best interests of Ireland and its people.

Copy to:
ODCE
Ombudsman
Department of Jobs, Enterprise and Innovation

I have included below the replies to my queries from the ODCE, the Department of Jobs, Enterprise and Innovation and the Ombudsman.

Dear Mr. Sheridan,

Your request for information has been passed to me for attention. Your request was in three parts:

• Is the ODCE currently engaged in proceedings or any other action against Michael and Thomas Bailey, directors of Bovale Developments?
• If such proceedings are in place what stage are they currently at?
• If they are complete what was the outcome?
I regret that it is not possible to make public details of any of our cases, nor even to discuss whether a specific company or individual is actually under investigation by the Office. This is because of the statutory duty of confidentiality imposed on the Director of Corporate Enforcement and his officers under Section 17 of the Company Law Enforcement Act 2001:

17.-(1) Information obtained by virtue of the performance by the Director of any of his or her functions which has not otherwise come to the notice of the public, (ODCE emphasis) shall not be disclosed, except in accordance with law, by any person…
As certain information is in the public domain, you already have access to that information, as it is available on our website. To facilitate you, I have replicated below the information already published.
• Press Statement dated 31 August 2006 at PART I
• High Court Judgement dated 1 November 2007
• Supreme Court Judgements 14 July 2011
• High Court Judgement of 1 November 2007
This is the sum total of information that can be released, for the reasons outlined above. I hope this is of asistance to you.
Yours sincerely
Assistant Principal Officer

Dear Mr Sheridan,

I refer to your email below the content of which has been noted.
In response to your first question I can confirm that under Section 17 of the Company Law Enforcement Act 2001 the Department does not have the authority to instruct the Director of Corporate Enforcement to disclose information. Section 17 of the 2001 Act relates to the disclosure of information and sets out the independence of the Director.
In relation to question two, the Director is a statutory independent officer and as previously stated under Section 17 of the Company Law Enforcement Act 2001 the Director is not in a position to make available information relating to any case or indeed to discuss whether a case is under investigation.
I hope that you find this information helpful.
Kind regards

Dear Mr Sheridan,

I refer to your recent correspondence in connection with ODCE.
The Ombudsman may investigate complaints against Government Departments and Offices, Local Authorities, the Health Service Executive, An Post and bodies within the remit of the Disability Act, 2005. The Ombudsman cannot examine complaints concerning the ODCE as it is outside the remit of this Office. The Department of Jobs, Enterprise and Innovation may be able to assist you with this matter. I regret therefore that we cannot be of assistance to you in this matter.
Yours sincerely

Dentists, fridges and guarantees

I recently bought a new fridge. It was priced at €310 but I managed to haggle down to €284.

Like all such items it comes, thanks to European law, with a two year guarantee.

Around the same time I had some dental work done which cost over €2,000. I asked the dentist about a guarantee.

She gave me a puzzled look and replied:

Well, if there’s a major problem in the next year or so I’m sure we can sort something out.

Another reply; another question for the Data Commissioner

When I first asked an official in the Data Commissioner’s office why some companies were named in his Annual Report and some were not I was given the following reasons.

Those not named had cooperated with investigations and therefore there was nothing to be gained by naming them.

And

Because the report enjoys absolute privilege the decision remains with the Commissioner.

Later I was informed that it’s not necessarily true that those who didn’t cooperate would be named. That, in the end, it’s all down to the decision of the Commissioner.

Because the Data Commissioner does not come under the Freedom of Information Act I do not expect to be told the names of the companies whose identity the Commissioner has decided to keep secret.

I do, however, think I am entitled to know the precise legislation under which the Commissioner has the power to, effectively, bestow protection on some companies and expose others to negative publicity.

The first written reply to my question from the Commissioner’s office claimed that his power stemmed from Section 14 of the Data Protection Acts which grants absolute privilege to the Commissioner’s Annual Report.

I was puzzled by this and replied with the following question.

How is it possible to name some companies under the protection of absolute privilege but not name others given that the entire report clearly enjoys the protection of absolute privilege?

The latest reply from the Commissioner’s office makes no mention of absolute privilege but reverts to the first explanation regarding the advantages to wayward companies who cooperate.

Dear Mr. Sheridan,

I refer you to my previous reply.

The decision to name or not name particular entities is reserved entirely for the Data Protection Commissioner and takes account of many factors including the level of co-operation received during an investigation, the general approach to data protection matters of the entity etc.

Thank you for your interest.

Regards

My reply is as follows:

Dear…,

I understand and fully accept that the decision to name or not name entities is reserved entirely for the Data Commissioner.

What I am attempting to ascertain, however, is precisely where in the legislation is the Commissioner’s power to make such decisions located?

I would be grateful for your help in this matter.

Yours etc.,
Anthony Sheridan

Irish perjury law: Strictly reserved for the peasants

David Cameron’s former communications chief, Andy Coulson, has been arrested and charged with perjury.

Coulson is suspected of lying under oath at the trial of former Scottish Socialist Party leader Tommy Sheridan

Sheridan, who was on trial for perjury, was found guilty and jailed for three years.

The arrest, trial and jailing of similarly influential people in Ireland is an absolute impossibility.

There is, of course, a law against perjury in Ireland but its enforcement is strictly reserved for ordinary citizens

Gombeens jump on the RTE/Fr. Reynolds scandal bandwagon

I finally found my way through the labyrinth that is RTE’s archive system to Drivetime of May 16th last.

I wanted to confirm some of the comments made by politicians at the Oireachtas Communications Committee hearing into the RTE/Fr. Reynolds scandal.

Eamon O’Cuiv:

How much is it in the groupthink and culture of RTE to decide the story first and then try assemble the evidence afterwards.

This is hilarious coming from a man who, for his entire political career, has loyally served the most corrupt political party in the country.

Such unquestioning loyalty can only arise from the unique groupthink that evolved in Fianna Fail over the decades as each member learned to defend himself, his party and his party leader no matter what the crime, no matter what the scandal, no matter what the damage to Ireland and its people.

I do not believe that this matter should be allowed to rest because I believe that there is evidence of a deep cultural problem within RTE.

O’Cuiv has yet to acknowledge the deep corrupt cultural problems of Fianna Fail.

He went on to demand an independent review of all news and current affairs programmes broadcast in recent years.

The man is a complete idiot.

Michael Healy-Rae:

RTE had lost the run of themselves. Are we going to have in the future more stringent controls because otherwise it will be RTE and our journalists who will be running the country and that’s not fair and it’s not right.

Well, what can be said about this man? When they invented the gombeen they didn’t throw away the moulds.

They’re still up and walking around in the form of the Healy-Rae’s.

The curious case of the anonymous councillor

Gardai are to prepare a file for the Director of Public Prosecutions after arresting and questioning a town councillor in Cork over the alleged fraudulent claiming of expenses for attending a conference earlier this year.

Curiously and, to my knowledge, unusually, the individual involved is not named in the report.

There was, for example, no problem naming former Fianna Fail TD, Ned O’Keeffe when he was arrested and questioned in relation to similar allegations.

In his case there is also a file being forwarded to the DPP.

I rang the Garda Station in Bandon where the councillor was questioned but they declined to name him.

I rang the Garda HQ Press Office and, predictably, was fed a wagonload of pure waffle.

The DPPs office was similarly unhelpful.

Recently, however, an interesting message came to my ear concerning a particular councillor, which may be connected to the case – time will tell.

It’s noteworthy that the arrest followed a complaint by a concerned citizen who became suspicious of the councillor’s activities.

Cleary, Irish citizens are waking up to the damage done to the country by wayward politicians.

Same crime; different messages

I wrote recently about a woman convicted of social welfare fraud totalling €229,000.

Even though the woman repaid the money the judge said it was important to send out a message to deter such crimes, or words to that effect.

Meanwhile, a struck-off solicitor who stole more than €9,000 during what was described as a schematic criminal fraud has also been before the courts.

The solicitor’s lawyers asked the judge to note that he had repaid the stolen money but the judge was clear.

A message has to be sent out to deter such crimes.

Seven months jail –suspended.

Senator Mullen: What is he on?

Senator Ronan Mullen thinks that politicians who are calling for heads to roll over the Fr. Reynolds case are missing the point.

If we are only going to hyperventilate, shout and scream and demand that heads roll, the public will not take us seriously as people with a genuine and important role to play in establishing the truth about matters of public controversy.

Politicians have a genuine and important role to play in establishing the truth????

What is this man on?

Social welfare fraud – Jail. Banking fraud? – Still waiting

A Dublin woman, Mary Connors, has been jailed for three years for making fraudulent social welfare claims totalling €229,000 over a 14 year period up to 2010.

Ms. Connors fully cooperated with the police and has paid back all the money.

Gardai had searched her home and a detective from the Criminal Assets Bureau (CAB) was assigned to her case.

So, no messing there. Gardai dealt with the case directly, special detective from CAB assigned to the case to make sure justice was done.

The judge presiding was clear; this is a serious case, public money, three years.

Meanwhile, it seems that former Senator Ivor Callely is unlikely to be pursued for the return of €6,000 he has been overpaid in expenses.

Apparently, there’s no legal basis to pursue him because the error was made by the Department of Transport.

The law is different for ordinary peasants on social welfare. Every penny can and is pursued whether it’s fraud or an error by a civil servant.

If it’s fraud by a peasant, it’s jail.

If it’s an error by a civil servant, it’s a bonus and promotion.

Ms. Connors was caught in 2010 and is now on her way to jail.

The bankers who destroyed the state were caught in 2008 – We’re still waiting.