Yes, Minister

I see Tom Mulcahy, who retired as chairman of Aer Lingus after he was identified in an investigation as having had “tax issues”, and a former boss of AIB, the most corrupt bank in Ireland, has been appointed chairman of the new and powerful Dublin Transport Authority and Railway Procurement Agency by Transport Minister Martin Cullen.

The previous head of RPA, Padraic White, had the audacity to publicly oppose the Minister’s plans to merge DTA and RPA, saying;

“The RPA board did not see the sense nor the logic of that new organisation doing what the RPA was already doing successfully”.

Some might say that Padraic lost his job because he challenged the minister; I think, however, it has more to do with Padraic’s naivety in thinking that sense or logic have anything whatsoever to do with how our little banana republic is governed.

The crook is back

Next Tuesday RTE broadcasts the first of a series of programmes on art in Ireland.
The first programme features the corrupt politician Charlie Haughey. Could this be the first step in the rehabilitation of this crook? Fintan O’Toole gets it about right in this article.

CultureShock: For the arts in Ireland over the past 40 years, Charles Haughey’s presence is almost as unsettling as it is for Irish politics

When Edward McGuire was painting his series of portraits of Charles Haughey, he was living in a remote part of Wicklow. Knowing that Haughey was coming for a sitting, he asked the famously extravagant politician to stop at the post office and collect a telegram that was waiting for him. When Haughey arrived at the painter’s door, his cheery greeting was “You owe me 2/6” – the cost of the telegram. Charles Haughey’s patronage of the arts – the subject of the first film in the new series of RTÉ’s fine Arts Lives documentary strand – had its limits. Whatever Irish art got from him, it paid back with interest.

For the arts in Ireland over the last 40 years, Charles Haughey’s presence is almost as unsettling as it is for Irish politics. As someone who long regarded Haughey as a pernicious fraud, I have always been haunted by the evening in October 1991, when the Field Day Anthology of Irish Writing was being launched. Walking into Newman House in Dublin, late as usual, I almost literally bumped into four men. Three of them – the Field Day directors Seamus Heaney, Brian Friel, and Seamus Deane – are great writers, committed in their work to the hard search for emotional and intellectual exactitude. The fourth was Charles Haughey, whom they had chosen to launch the book and who is flattered in it by Seamus Deane as a man who “skilfully combines de Valera’s meticulously crafted republicanism with Seán Lemass’s best possible blend of cosmopolitan modernity and ancestral loyalty for present-day Ireland”.

It struck me at the time that, for all the prevalent notion of Haughey as a supporter of the arts, the reality was more the other way around. Haughey gained stature from the association; the artists were diminished by it. Nothing, perhaps, said more about the marginalised position of the arts in Ireland than the sheer gratitude of artists that a powerful man should seem to care about them at all. In a political culture with a deep and wide seam of philistinism at its core, Haughey’s propensity to read some books and look at some paintings evoked an almost pitiful sense of indebtedness. But did it also buy a certain silence? Haughey’s sympathy for artists was undoubtedly real. The tax exemption scheme he introduced as minister for finance was an imaginative gesture. His support for the establishment of Aosdána and for the creation of the Irish Museum of Modern Art showed that artistic concerns at least had a place on his agenda. But, in real terms, that support was minimal.

It is now forgotten that in 1968 he announced in the Dáil that “a careful study of the problem” had led him to conclude that there should be three arts councils and that he was going to “make reasonably adequate funds available to ensure that their work will be effective”. He simply forgot the plan and at no time, either as minister for finance or as taoiseach, did he ever provide anything approximating “reasonably adequate funds” for the arts. He axed the Film Board in 1987. His longest period in office as taoiseach in the early 1990s was characterised by empty promises. In 1991, he committed himself to a funding level of £12-£13 million for the Arts Council. In 1992, the council was stunned to get exactly the same funding as the previous year (£4.9 million from the State) – in effect a cutback. Grand gestures and photo opportunities were always more important to Haughey than actual delivery.

And in return, Haughey got a touch of class and an air of mystery – both useful assets for a cynical crook. In 1972, his long speech on “Art and the Majority”, delivered at Harvard and written by the poet Anthony Cronin, won plaudits that were invaluable to a politician who was then, after the Arms Trial, in disgrace.

Did his much-vaunted patronage of the arts also contribute to the general failure of Irish artists to function as any kind of national conscience during the Haughey era? There may be no simple answer to the question, and certainly the Arts Lives film doesn’t provide one. Irish art, in spite of Swift, lacks a satiric language. Some attempts to portray Haughey – Hugh Leonard’s kill, Sebastian Barry’s Hinterland, Peter Cunningham’s The Taoiseach – fudged the issue by calling him by some other name and got bogged down in the no-man’s-land between fact and fiction.

What is certainly true, though, is that there was no concerted artistic effort to solve these formal problems. No one tried too hard.

It is ironic, indeed, that the truest artistic representation of Haughey is what was meant to be a flattering one, commissioned by Haughey himself from Robert Ballagh. The portrait, Charles Haughey – The Decade of Endeavour, hung in the Boss’s own study. But its image of a tiny Haughey in front of a huge photograph of himself now has an air of the little Wizard of Oz meeting from the machine through which he projected his giant, godlike presence. In it, the cowardly lions of Irish art, albeit accidentally and retrospect, get some courage.

Charlie Haughey: Patronising the Arts, the first documentary in RTÉ1’s new Arts Lives series, is on Tue at 10.15pm. Other subjects in the series include Michael Colgan, Donal Lunny, Nuala Ní Dhomhnaill, Jinx Lennon, popular fiction, landscape painters, Fergus Bourke, Sheila Wingfield , Eileen Gray, Paul Durcan and Thomas Lynch.

I didn't do it

Last August the Austrian police passed on information about Irish involvement in an international child porn ring to Irish police. The Irish police failed to notice the information. Here’s the reaction

Police:

It was regrettable but there was an awful lot of information came in on the same day and anyway we weren’t the only country to miss the information. Austrian police say Ireland was the only European country to miss the information. (Along with some South American countries)

RTE:

Panel on Today with Pat Kenny blamed the Austrian police. They should have highlighted the information (so that our police would notice it?).

Minister for Justice, Michael McDowell:

It was human error. No disciplinary action will be taken; lessons must be learned, blah blah blah…

Phew… for a minute there I thought somebody was actually going to accept responsibility

Phone rip off

The following is an account of the latest scam to steal from Irish citizens as reported on Today with Pat Kenny (Tue,6th Feb).

The Scam

Eircom’s International Directory Inquiries Service at 11818 claimed that they could connect to any country outside Ireland. What they didn’t reveal was the long list of countries to which they are completely unable to make any connections whatsoever.

Despite this, they instructed their operators to go through the motions of attempting to make contact and charge the customer a hefty fee for the ‘service’. In plain English, this policy was designed to rob the customer.

The Confrontation

Philip Boucher-Hayes (Excellent reporter) challenges Paul Bradley, Director of Communications at Eircom, in his office.

Hayes – If you believe this isn’t happening, if you believe that your operators aren’t actually instructed to refuse to offer a refund, why don’t you call them up yourself now and see if you get a refund.

Bradley – Let me repeat, there is no policy not to offer rebates to customers.

Hayes – Let’s put it to the test, pick up the phone and we’ll ring 11818 and see what happens.

Bradley – Philip, let’s just stop there, that’s just outrageous.

Hayes – Why is it outrageous?

Bradley – This is ridiculous.

Hayes – Sorry, this is Paul Bradley director of communications, why is that outrageous?

Bradley – Philip, if you want to write down 11818, that’s fine, go ahead but I mean if you want to do it, I mean it’s just, you clearly have done it.

Hayes – Yes, 50 times (feck), credit is not being offered and there is a policy of not offering credit

Bradley – Ok, we’re getting into arcane debate now that really don’t (sic) apply to most…

Hayes – No, no, no, it really is quite simple, if a service is not provided, is a customer not entitled to a refund, it’s as simple as that.

Bradley – Well, the service is provided, the service is a directory inquiry.

Hayes – And where you are connecting to a number you know you haven’t a snowballs chance of getting through to, are you not essentially being dishonest?

Bradley – Not at all

End game

So what happened after RTE passed on all their information on the case to COMREG, the so called Communications Regulator? Well, they quietly entered into negotiations with Eircom who promised to change their ways.

We shouldn’t be surprised really, the so called financial regulator follows the same policy of non action when the banks rob their customers.

Notes

The Regulator did not discover this scam, Irish regulators never do.

When the Regulator was informed by RTE, they kept the whole thing quiet and effectively let the thieves off.

Whistleblowers in the International Directory Inquiries sector informed RTE. Media investigation and whistleblowers are the only protection Irish citizens have against rampant corruption.

Irish governments have been promising for years to bring in legislation to protect such courageous and patriotic citizens, we’re still waiting.

It’s likely that the number of operators working in the International Directory Inquiries sector is small. I wonder if the witch hunt has begun.

In the best interests of the people

The latest planning scam was discussed on the Pat Kenny Show yesterday morning. A prime piece of property owned by nuns in the centre of Cashel was to be bought by the local council who claimed they wanted to develop the property as a park for the people of the town.

The Council, however, was dragging its heels so the nuns found another buyer. The Council responded by threatening them with a Compulsory Purchase Order and forced them to sell at a deflated price.

Once the deal was done the Council lost no time in rezoning the property and selling it on to a developer who plans to build a hotel on the land. In the process, the Council made a tidy little profit of €1.2 million from the deal.

The people of Cashel are very angry but what can they do? Well, nothing really, except complain and protest. Oh, they can also object to the planning permission that has already been submitted by the developer.

But who makes the decision on this planning application? Why, it’s the very same Council who lied to the nuns, pressurised them into selling at a greatly reduced rate and rezoned the property to substantially increase its value. I wonder what their decision will be.

The report also includes the best example of official gobbledygook that I’ve heard in a long time. When a spokesman for the Council was questioned on the change of use for the property he responded:

“Well, the Council at the time wanted to buy the land for, you know, specific purposes which weren’t clearly identified.”

Tammany Hall – Alive and well

Let’s cut to the chase here. Clientism as operated by Irish politicians is a corrupt system that has only one aim – to buy votes.

There are 351,000 public servants in Ireland – yes, you heard right – 351,000 each earning on average €45,000 a year. This massive organization exists to serve a tiny national population of 4 million, to operate, inform and resolve systems and problems for those citizens. There are also numerous government and non government organizations totally dedicated to resolving citizen problems.

There was a very interesting discussion on the matter on last Sunday’s Marian Fincuane show (28th). Prof. JA Murphy said that clientism was

“An essential part of Irish democracy, everywhere, not only in Ireland but where Irish democracy took roots, in the US and Australia.”

Irish democracy? As opposed to what other type of democracy? Unwittingly, I think the Prof. has in mind Tammany Hall democracy, which of course is rampant in our little banana republic but which has been stamped out in America.

Pat Cox provided an invaluable insight into how others see our Tammany Hall democracy. Years back when he was a TD he phoned the American embassy for ‘a client’ who was having visa problems. They couldn’t help but out of curiosity he asked them about their policy on such approaches.

“Look it, the truth is that we get in letters from Irish public representatives about people’s character and so on. They come on demand, someone walks in, they get the letter. They get it from three, four, five, six public representatives. We just don’t bother with this stuff anymore, it just doesn’t count, we discount it completely.”

Pat went on to say “…those who are not part of the Irish political culture stand back, I think, a bit aghast…”

The most interesting and damning case discussed concerned a certain judge Brennan who sued Ireland because he was so annoyed at the level of political interference in his judgements. The case involved four judgements by judge Brennan.

Amazingly, the High Court found that the judge was one hundred percent right but they wouldn’t find in his favour because it would be unfair to single out the four test cases. (This was described as the court exercising an unusual discretion)

Apparently, the case also gave rise to serious constitutional problems but they would ‘revisit that another day.’

Tammany Hall – Alive and well.

Hilarious denial

Journalist John Drennan, writing in Magill magazine in September 2005, defends Charles Haughey in what can only be described as the most amazing (and hilarious) case of political denial in Irish history. There is no need to analyse the article, the quotes speak for themselves.

Why Haughey was never found to be corrupt:

“Mr. Haughey was merely following precedents set by such illustrious figures as O’Connell and Parnell.”

Reason for perception that Haughey was corrupt:

“Haughey’s ‘corruption’ is the fantastical creation of a petit bourgeoisie of Tim Healy-style hysteria mongers, whose insipid viciousness explains their expertise in the price of everything and their ignorance about the value of anything.”

Haughey’s love of beautiful things:

“The narrow minded shrieks of false incomprehension about Haughey’s elevated desire to possess beautiful things failed to understand that the sort of Gatsby who appreciates beauty within the personal realm is far more likely to seek to replicate this in public.”

On Haughey’s ‘fiscal probity’:

“Mr. Haughey did make money courtesy of some good advice from patriotic sources.”

On taking money from businessmen:

“Of course Mr. Haughey did take money from Ben Dunne and other public-spirited businessmen. However, this was for life-style as distinct to political purposes.”

On Haughey’s ‘insourcing’ of the FF leader’s allowance:

It was in payment for putting his home at Kinsealy at the service of the nation.

On Haughey’s tax problems:

“Mr. Haughey did have some minor tax problems. However, unless you are in love with the lifeless technicalities of accountancy it would be easy to believe a gift is not a salary.”

On Haughey’s refusal to cooperate with tribunals:

“Some would argue that a refusal to obey those semi-legal, amoral instruments of oppression that collude with simpering creeps like Frank Dunlop as both try to save their respective skins was a genuine act of patriotism.”

Real reason for hatred of Haughey:

“The hatred of Haughey is all about the challenge he posed to a society which was petrified by notions of class…” (Quotes PJ Mara; ‘Haughey’s enemies thought they were ‘the fucking aristocracy.’).

Ireland without Haughey’s type:

“…a dandified, foppish, lattefied, hygiene-obsessed, anti-smoking and anti-drinking (unless it’s a glass of red wine for the heart) school of bourgeois.” “…a hissing, pissy, sanctimonious hysterical desert, which could only be invented by the petite bourgeoisie.”

Drennan ends the piece by suggesting that it would serve the people of Ireland right if Haughey and his family were to deny them the ‘great reward’ of a state funeral.

“After all, Mr. Haughey knows better than anyone that betrayal is never rewarded.”

(Brian Lenihan, I suspect, would disagree. Haughey made a tidy sum by betraying his ‘friend’).

Personally, I was delighted that Haughey opted for a state funeral and even more delighted to learn that he made all the decisions and arrangements himself in the arrogant expectation that the people of Ireland would turn out in their droves to pay homage to a ‘great statesman’. His final selfish scheme, like his entire life, was a failure.

So, what have Mr. Drennan and Magill magazine had to say since the publication of the Moriarty Report? Well, er. Nothing, absolutely nothing.

State contempt for consumers

“Utter contempt for consumers”

was how the Irish Independent reacted to the decision of the Department of Finance to appoint barristers, bankers and civil servants to a committee set up as part of the financial regulation machinery. The article also gets it right on the future effectiveness of this committee –

“…we will probably hear little of its activities, such is the culture of secrecy in this country.”

As I have said in the past, secrecy is one of the most powerful weapons in the running of a corrupt state. The following example will make the point.

Last September, I requested from the Financial Regulator a list of all the financial institutions that overcharged or otherwise abused their customers in the previous two years. This kind of abuse/theft is common in Ireland and therefore it is vital for consumers to know which financial institutions can be trusted and which ones to avoid. The very fact that such simple information needs a request is a disgrace; it should be readily available and indeed advertised by the regulator.

My request was ignored (Ignoring consumers is not unusual in a corrupt state).

When I persisted my query was forwarded to the regulator’s press office (Lack of courage in answering questions and buck passing is not unusual in a corrupt state).

The press office replied to my query with insulting waffle (Treating consumers with contempt is not unusual in a corrupt state).

When I continued to persist I finally got an answer of sorts:

“In answer to your query, The Financial Regulator is restricted, under S.33AK of the Central Bank Act, 1942 (as amended by the Central Bank and Financial Services Authority of Ireland Act, 2003)from disclosing confidential information.”

(Using the law as a means of avoiding awkward questions is not unusual in a corrupt state).

No doubt, many Irish citizens are still labouring under the illusion that the so called Financial Regulator is mainly concerned with their financial welfare – wrong. The regulator is actively and strongly concerned with protecting the interests of financial institutions over and above the interests of consumers, including those institutions who have robbed millions from consumers.

The only information/advice a consumer is likely to get from this sham organization is a paternal – ‘shop around’. As the Irish Independent says; utter contempt for the consumer.

The pre-eminence of profit

“They’re not the same kind of open society as we are, they haven’t got the same parliamentary democratic process as us and we have to understand those sensitivities. It would be very wrong of us other than to understand and doesn’t take away from the fact we pointed out areas where there is concern internationally.”

Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, (Six One News).

“It is also the case that we have to have respect for other cultures and societies in a world of difference. It is all a bit more complex than saying this is just a simple matter of human rights.

Enterprise and Employment Minister, Micheal Martin, (Irish Independent).

“On what basis would we not talk to them? We can’t go around the world judging people,

Frank Ryan, chief executive of Enterprise Ireland, (Irish Independent). (All emphasis mine)

“On 3rd September 1992…Sadiq Abdul Karim Malallah was publicly beheaded in Saudi Arabia after being lawfully convicted of apostasy and blasphemy.” (The God Delusion by Richard Dawkins, page 287).

Sending some letters

Fianna Fail Junior Minister Tony Killeen is in trouble because he sent letters to the Minister for Justice seeking the early release of a sex offender. He defends himself as follows:

He only meant the letters to raise the issue of the sex offender’s deteriorating health and an alleged prison assault but couldn’t prove this because the letters were ‘accidentally’ deleted from his computer.

He accepts that the minister did respond to his pleas but he did not see the minister’s letter because his staff did not show it to him.

He says he ‘failed to see’ a letter sent to him by the Minister which made clear that the sex offender would not be given early release.

So, a misunderstanding of his intent, a defective computer, incompetent staff and a missed letter are all to blame – not Mr. Killeen.

To top it all, Mr. Killeen is using a public relations firm to help ‘explain’ his case – I wonder who’s paying the bill?